An indispensable little book about Italy
In the category of people who over-spend for intellectuals in Italy, stands a dozen heads really thinking.
Among these, Ernesto Galli della Loggia. Columnist for the Corriere della Sera and historical academic Egdl is a keen commentator of our political and social events. I do not remember you ever spotted - at least in my eyes - of mortal sin (an intellectual) of banality. His analysis, even when shared, are stubbornly refractory homage to the dominant culture, both right and left.
Left which, in a cultural sense, Egdl belongs. But that has never stopped writing vitriolic editorials against the political representatives of national progress. ( follows ...)
His sharp arrows, recently, however, have often turned to Berlusconi, much to stimulate the reaction of the inevitable sore Sandro Bondi, who he accused of Our antiberlusconismo visceral prejudice.
To understand how this definition is absurd, just read the last pamphlet Egdl: Three days in the history of Italy , released for the types of mill.
It 's a terrific essay, I say it now. Council urbi et orbi his reading. Any person who is chatting peaks of our national problems, it should first compulsive disorder at least once, and pondered long.
It would not hurt him to learn that even the representatives of the foreign press in Italy, often second-rate journalists, who understand little or nothing about our country and prefer to get an explanation of what we think of the national beppesevergnini.
Agile and well written, Three days in the history of Italy also represents a formidable accusations to our political class and the intellectual left.
Three Days of the title is 28 October '22 (the March on Rome), April 18 '48 (victory of the Christian Democrats) and 27 March '94 (the first victory of Berlusconi): three historic events in 150 Egdl svelte little pages can recall and masterly sketch, describing them as the key junction that have indelibly marked the common thread of our national history.
In the first chapter, Egdl known as the First World War has represented not only an act of war, also a wonderful opportunity for politicization of the masses, until then almost entirely ignorant of issues civic activities. It emphasizes that this process, a relatively young nation like ours, was not supported by appropriate political structures to channel the new enzymes, leaving him almost physiological outlet of these political tensions were on the one hand as the other, physical violence. Egdl stresses in those circumstances, the high moral responsibility of the Left, which was played its own credibility on the plate of a nefarious maximalism, which gave the country the reaction.
And in reflecting on the origins of the fascist regime, the critical Egdl becomes a formidable indictment to the left that does not admit, even to this day, no historical responsibility, preferring charge of inconsistency liberal ruling class in power until '22 all the blame the rise of Mussolini, forgetting to "be instead been largely responsible for the advent of fascism, the defeat of freedom . Heavy items such as boulders, which should lead to reflection still those 'intellectuals' and politicians who focused its raison d'etre for massimalistic intransigence, which, as then, promises to give you a bad fruit.
In the chapter on April 18 of '48, Egdl undermines several dominant journalistic clichés of thought (especially progressive). Noting first that degeneration partitocratica that destroyed the First Republic - far from being a phenomenon attributable to a purely judicial corruption all the more deplorable as occasional - but was given degenerative physiological abnormal presence in public life party in our country, given by the fact that in post-war, the absence of a general widespread political culture, the only devices able to take charge of reconstruction not only physical but also cultural in the country were, of course, parties.
He then has a certain effect the grim sincerity with which liberalism as an intellectual Egdl notes that after the war, Catholic politicians proved to have learned the lesson of '22, Buy a culture of government that Italy has pursued for half a century, unlike the left which, for decades, keeping maximalist triggered the threat of communist revolution, made it impossible for the alternation.
Finally, two disassembled Egdl vulgate always present in liberal mythology.
Ours is a modern constitution? For Egdl, the old guard of the Christian Democrats to power after the war had to vent strongly anti-liberal impulses of his young politicians, leaving that they should agree intellectually with the Communists in the Constituent Assembly. You can guess that masterpiece of the Constitution would arise from cash Agreement (True, Bersani?).
Italy is a country founded sull'antifascimo? For Egdl not, because it was in the elections of '48, thanks to the breakdown of anti-fascist front, until then ob wrong cohesive package, was born modern Italy and Western Europe.
But the more interesting part of the essay is the chapter devoted to Berlusconi: it brought to the attention of Sandro Bondi. For
Edgl, who now barks Berlusconi's anomaly, the anomaly should first ask Tangentopoli, in which a political class was decimated in half by the judiciary, which hit a systemic corruption complaining only area the government improperly.
Paradoxically, it was the anomalous figure of Berlusconi to allow normalization of the country, he was going to spend a few months before the elections of '92, a Democrat power system to a stable post-communist system of power. Berlusconi, with his alliance to include all the political spectrum alien to communism, instead created the conditions for a political regime based on alternating finally, as indeed has happened in Italy to date. According
Egdl, Berlusconi - that his economic and media power has the strength of its alliances, but not the popular support they enjoy - not the evil incarnate of absolute negative values \u200b\u200bof an imaginary country worst instincts of rich people's freedoms. But he able to deal with skill instead of the cultural void that is physiologically replaced in the 80 to cultural and political tensions hitherto produced in our country. In short, the Knights he would have an interpreter, but not an actor, a historical period of reflux and ideologies which has rewarded him because of the lack of a strong cultural his proposal. A
Egdl Berlusconi does not like. But he points out, those who have demonized the Cayman so far, which is not always "(..) democracy looks bright for his high principles (...) It happens that sometimes exhibit a gray face and modest (...) that can not our liking. But that does not mean that it may or must make us afraid .
We hope that the message reaches as many ears possible go.
Trust Catomaior: buy this book.
Ernesto Galli della Loggia - Three days in the history of Italy - Il Mulino
Among these, Ernesto Galli della Loggia. Columnist for the Corriere della Sera and historical academic Egdl is a keen commentator of our political and social events. I do not remember you ever spotted - at least in my eyes - of mortal sin (an intellectual) of banality. His analysis, even when shared, are stubbornly refractory homage to the dominant culture, both right and left.
Left which, in a cultural sense, Egdl belongs. But that has never stopped writing vitriolic editorials against the political representatives of national progress. ( follows ...)
His sharp arrows, recently, however, have often turned to Berlusconi, much to stimulate the reaction of the inevitable sore Sandro Bondi, who he accused of Our antiberlusconismo visceral prejudice.
To understand how this definition is absurd, just read the last pamphlet Egdl: Three days in the history of Italy , released for the types of mill.
It 's a terrific essay, I say it now. Council urbi et orbi his reading. Any person who is chatting peaks of our national problems, it should first compulsive disorder at least once, and pondered long.
It would not hurt him to learn that even the representatives of the foreign press in Italy, often second-rate journalists, who understand little or nothing about our country and prefer to get an explanation of what we think of the national beppesevergnini.
Agile and well written, Three days in the history of Italy also represents a formidable accusations to our political class and the intellectual left.
Three Days of the title is 28 October '22 (the March on Rome), April 18 '48 (victory of the Christian Democrats) and 27 March '94 (the first victory of Berlusconi): three historic events in 150 Egdl svelte little pages can recall and masterly sketch, describing them as the key junction that have indelibly marked the common thread of our national history.
In the first chapter, Egdl known as the First World War has represented not only an act of war, also a wonderful opportunity for politicization of the masses, until then almost entirely ignorant of issues civic activities. It emphasizes that this process, a relatively young nation like ours, was not supported by appropriate political structures to channel the new enzymes, leaving him almost physiological outlet of these political tensions were on the one hand as the other, physical violence. Egdl stresses in those circumstances, the high moral responsibility of the Left, which was played its own credibility on the plate of a nefarious maximalism, which gave the country the reaction.
And in reflecting on the origins of the fascist regime, the critical Egdl becomes a formidable indictment to the left that does not admit, even to this day, no historical responsibility, preferring charge of inconsistency liberal ruling class in power until '22 all the blame the rise of Mussolini, forgetting to "be instead been largely responsible for the advent of fascism, the defeat of freedom . Heavy items such as boulders, which should lead to reflection still those 'intellectuals' and politicians who focused its raison d'etre for massimalistic intransigence, which, as then, promises to give you a bad fruit.
In the chapter on April 18 of '48, Egdl undermines several dominant journalistic clichés of thought (especially progressive). Noting first that degeneration partitocratica that destroyed the First Republic - far from being a phenomenon attributable to a purely judicial corruption all the more deplorable as occasional - but was given degenerative physiological abnormal presence in public life party in our country, given by the fact that in post-war, the absence of a general widespread political culture, the only devices able to take charge of reconstruction not only physical but also cultural in the country were, of course, parties.
He then has a certain effect the grim sincerity with which liberalism as an intellectual Egdl notes that after the war, Catholic politicians proved to have learned the lesson of '22, Buy a culture of government that Italy has pursued for half a century, unlike the left which, for decades, keeping maximalist triggered the threat of communist revolution, made it impossible for the alternation.
Finally, two disassembled Egdl vulgate always present in liberal mythology.
Ours is a modern constitution? For Egdl, the old guard of the Christian Democrats to power after the war had to vent strongly anti-liberal impulses of his young politicians, leaving that they should agree intellectually with the Communists in the Constituent Assembly. You can guess that masterpiece of the Constitution would arise from cash Agreement (True, Bersani?).
Italy is a country founded sull'antifascimo? For Egdl not, because it was in the elections of '48, thanks to the breakdown of anti-fascist front, until then ob wrong cohesive package, was born modern Italy and Western Europe.
But the more interesting part of the essay is the chapter devoted to Berlusconi: it brought to the attention of Sandro Bondi. For
Edgl, who now barks Berlusconi's anomaly, the anomaly should first ask Tangentopoli, in which a political class was decimated in half by the judiciary, which hit a systemic corruption complaining only area the government improperly.
Paradoxically, it was the anomalous figure of Berlusconi to allow normalization of the country, he was going to spend a few months before the elections of '92, a Democrat power system to a stable post-communist system of power. Berlusconi, with his alliance to include all the political spectrum alien to communism, instead created the conditions for a political regime based on alternating finally, as indeed has happened in Italy to date. According
Egdl, Berlusconi - that his economic and media power has the strength of its alliances, but not the popular support they enjoy - not the evil incarnate of absolute negative values \u200b\u200bof an imaginary country worst instincts of rich people's freedoms. But he able to deal with skill instead of the cultural void that is physiologically replaced in the 80 to cultural and political tensions hitherto produced in our country. In short, the Knights he would have an interpreter, but not an actor, a historical period of reflux and ideologies which has rewarded him because of the lack of a strong cultural his proposal. A
Egdl Berlusconi does not like. But he points out, those who have demonized the Cayman so far, which is not always "(..) democracy looks bright for his high principles (...) It happens that sometimes exhibit a gray face and modest (...) that can not our liking. But that does not mean that it may or must make us afraid .
We hope that the message reaches as many ears possible go.
Trust Catomaior: buy this book.
Ernesto Galli della Loggia - Three days in the history of Italy - Il Mulino
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